In March, TSHA attempted to install yet another academic, and became outraged when Bryan suggested that to comply with their bylaws, they should install a layman, the first black chief justice of the Texas Supreme Court, instead. Professor Jeffrey Littlejohn, the co-chair of Sam Houston State University's diversity committee, stood up and shouted his displeasure at the prospect of a black conservative history buff instead of a leftist academic, Haas wrote.
In May, Judge Kerry Neves blocked the academic packing, writing,
"The Bylaws require that the membership of the Board of Directors be balanced substantially between academic and non-academic members. The present Board is not substantially balanced because the makeup is presently 12 academic members compared to 8 non-academic members."
The two professors behind pushing the media smear of Haas were angry at her for her role in stopping the Texas-history coup by academics. On Facebook, a former junior college professor named Michael Phillips indicated that he and another academic historian, Ben Johnson, were behind the Texas Monthly article, and that,
"People who think you can work with Haas and company regarding the TSHA are delusional."
Phillips was the only academic quoted by Texas Monthly's Monacelli, who last year wrote a lengthy article in Rolling Stone about how Phillips was let go by a junior college and was suing it alleging that it was in retaliation for pushing leftist politics. On Instagram, the socialist journalist labeled Phillips as
"legendary."
Steven Monacelli and Michael Phillips / Facebook
Though Haas spent a career in Texas book publishing, the outlet called her a mere "graphic designer," implying that because she did not have a Ph.D. in history, she could not ascertain what books were related to a Texas plantation and what weren't. That characterization was removed by Texas Monthly after she confronted the editor with the audio.
Haas said that degree-based attack was the modus operandi of leftist academics who chafed because she knew enough about history to offer critiques when they relied on their credentials to push biased information. For example, she said, when Johnson alleged that low voter turnout in 1918 was because of racist voter suppression, she reminded him that the Spanish flu
"shut everything down a week before the primaries" that year.
"If you're such a professional, why do you omit that? And instead of answering, the answer is always: 'Well, you're just a white supremacist.'"
In August, the lawsuit was settled and Baker Jones, the association president, and another academic agreed to resign. The Texas Public Policy Foundation called the outcome
"a win for history - and against wokeness."
Since then, leftist academics have been in a tailspin at the idea of opposing views, Haas said.
"The historians started resigning because they didn't know what to do. For the past decades or so they've just appointed their grievance studies people to the committees and enveloped the whole organization," she said.
Haas said that history is the domain of all Americans and that activist academics have squandered their credibility by subjugating facts to ideology. She said primary source documents have more to teach people about slavery than contemporary ideologues like Kendi do, saying
"we have their words ... that's moving stuff."
Her Texas History Trust has
"digitized about 30,000 pages of primary source material so that the public, teachers and scholars can go direct to the source on their phone, for free."
"I put a $25,000 research library in people's pockets," she said.
"When I announced the digitization project, the activist historian crew objected. 'You need an archivist with a Ph.D. to do that!' No, I really don't."
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